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Power is shifting - from large, stable armies to loose bands of insurgents, from corporate leviathans to nimble start-ups, and from presidential palaces to public squares. But power is also changing, becoming harder to use and easier to lose. As a result, argues award-winning columnist and former Foreign Policy editor Moisés Naím, all leaders have less power than their predecessors, and the potential for upheaval is unprecedented. In The End of Power, Naím illuminates the struggle between once-dominant megaplayers and the new micropowers challenging them in every field of human endeavor. The antiestablishment drive of micropowers can topple tyrants, dislodge monopolies, and open remarkable new opportunities, but it can also lead to chaos and paralysis. Drawing on provocative, original research and a lifetime of experience in global affairs, Naím explains how the end of power is reconfiguring our world.
- Sales Rank: #10297 in Audible
- Published on: 2013-03-19
- Format: Unabridged
- Original language: English
- Running time: 701 minutes
Most helpful customer reviews
291 of 316 people found the following review helpful.
The world is Flat, MkII
By Athan
The End of Power starts like dynamite.
Moises Naim, an extremely well-respected and well-informed author (he thanks everybody who's anybody in the acknowledgments except perhaps for David Beckham) is truly on fire to begin with. He starts the book by telling you what power is. He defines it as the ability to make others do what you want them to do. It's not about the size of your army or your nuclear stockpile or your advertising budget. It's the ability to get your way.
Next, he sets up a matrix, Mc Kinsey style. Two types of power, hard and soft. And each breaks down in two. So hard power breaks down to coercion and bribery. Soft power breaks down to code and persuasion. So "if you don't eat your broccoli you don't get to play with Lego" as well as "if you don't eat your broccoli you'll have a spanking" are both coercion. On the other hand "if you eat your broccoli you can then have ice cream" is bribery. That's hard power, because I have ways to make you change your mind. On the other hand if the pope says you should practice abstinence, that's soft power, he can't do much to keep you chaste. He sets a moral code and that's that. Similarly, if Patek Philippe buy the back cover of the Economist every week and your wife asks you for a diamond-crusted watch (or you decide to buy a little something for the next generation) that's persuasion, but there's nothing in it for you directly.
And of course power is seldom on one vector only. The pope, for example, may be going beyond code. If you don't follow his rules, it may later cost you salvation. And if you do, you might go to heaven. So you could argue it's 70% code, 15% coercion and 15% bribery. You get the idea.
With those analytical tools in place, the author then explains that three revolutions have taken place, all of which significantly limit power today.
The "more" revolution is self-explanatory. For example, the UN had 55 members in the forties, it has 197 members today. There are more countries out there and that makes for more voices, more alliances and more freedom.
The "mobility" revolution is a bit of a misnomer. It is meant to be a catch-all that accounts for a bunch of concepts. Ideas move quicker because information is spreading faster. People can move more, but it's mainly figurative. Technology allows a doctor in India to look at your x-rays, for example, and that's as good as having him there in the ward. Phone cards (which Moses Naim rates higher in impact than the Internet so far in terms of shrinking our world) have made it possible for emigrants to stay in touch with their families etc. In summary, distances are much shorter than they used to be, all borders have become porous, there's no longer such thing as a captive audience, and that limits local power.
The "mentality" revolution is the third major force that attenuates power worldwide and, to cut a long story short, it's to do with the fact that ideology across the world seems to be converging toward more liberal ideals, but also with the thing that people have the tools and the information to think for themselves.
You can already discern that the three "revolutions" are a bit blurred. Maybe the need to get them all start with an M had an influence. Frankly, getting them all to be adjectives or nouns might have helped more, from where I'm sitting.
Less facetiously, the author never, not once, goes back to applying the "three revolutions" to the four-way setup that defines power. He quotes from everybody, he lays out a million examples, he writes extremely well, but with the best possible intentions I failed to see why he introduced the whole setup only to never use it again.
You do learn a lot from reading the book. For example, you learn about the decline of Catholicism in Latin America, you learn about the uncontestable spread of democracy across the world, the journey you embark on with Moises Naim is never boring or tedious.
The destination, however, is unclear. The intention of the book was to convince me that we face the End of Power. The only thing I took away is that the world is a lot more complex than it used to be and a lot more difficult to analyze with the tools we have. But I would have loved an attempt at using the tools, especially after I've seen them laid out.
So this would be a three star book from my angle, but I've taken one off, to reflect that the author quotes Tom Friedman. Please give us all a break! I jest. I took off the third point because the author totally mangles the concept of Entropy, with which I am familiar from the Thermodynamics I studied a long time ago. In reading a book, I trust an author to know what he's talking about. I caught him out in Entropy, but my trust in his ability to analyze rather than quote, got shattered.
Shame, because when I started reading The End of Power I could not get enough of telling everybody how much I was enjoying it. As I ploughed my way through, it became increasingly evident that Moises Naim was going to fail to convince me of his main thesis. "Being confused about more difficult problems" would actually have cut it for me. But I'm merely unconvinced.
171 of 189 people found the following review helpful.
The decay of power?
By Frank A. Lewes
Whatever our political ideologies, most of us are aware that we've entered one of those periods of accelerated change that mark the transition from one historical era to another. In the last dozen years we've had the War on International Terror, the Great Recession, public and private sector financial collapses, and a change in politics that has shifted the country from ultra-laissez faire economic conservatism toward a slightly left-of-center regime of higher taxes, more regulation, and more federally-supervised healthcare.
These changes may be viewed through many economic and political prisms. This book views it through what is purported to be a change in the power structures that govern politics, business, the military, and even religion. As author Moises Naim posits: "Power is decaying. To put it simply, power no longer buys as much as it did in the past."
My first thought is that this is deja vu back to the late 60's/mid 70's when a plethora of books like MEGATRENDS and FUTURE SHOCK predicted that "The Establishment" would soon be overthrown by an explosion of knowledge, communication, and rising social consciousness among the people, especially the young. The Establishment was alleged to be a cabal of large corporate and academic interests allied with big government for the purpose of suppressing the desires of the "little people" to have a greater share of economic and political influence.
Something along these lines did happen on a limited scale. Grass roots environmentalists did combine to thwart powerful corporate interests and their political allies. Young people, women, and minorities did take over the Democratic Party in 1972 and oust its old guard. In foreign affairs some ragtag guerilla movements, notably the Viet Cong and the Afghan resistance, did force the humiliating withdrawals of the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. superpowers
But the trends mostly went the OPPOSITE of what was predicted. The minor political parties faded away so that today we have an even more entrenched major party duopoly. Most of those thousands of new entrepreneurial companies spawned by the revolution in computer information were bought up and consolidated into the existing corporate oligarchies. Today America's industries, banks, and tech companies are more concentrated into "too big to fail" behemoths than ever before.
Nor did the "little guys" do especially well on the international stage. Instead of the world slipping away from dominance by the old US/NATO and USSR/Warsaw Pact Superpower blocs, we now have a world dominated by the U.S. and China. Most of the middling powers that were supposed to rise are actually LESS influential now than they were in the 1970s. The European Union and Japan are seen as has-beens, while the other rising powers like India and Brazil are still decades away from becoming world-class powers.
The author's thesis that the balance of military power has shifted from nation states to irregular forces is also dubious:
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Indeed, when nation-states go to war these days, big military power delivers less than it once did. Wars are not only increasingly asymmetric, pitting large military forces against smaller, nontraditional ones such as insurgents, separatist movements, and militias. They are also increasingly being won by the militarily weaker side.
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And yet it hasn't been an especially bright time for guerilla movements. The big ones like Al Qaeda, Hamas, and the Colombian FARC have been all but exterminated by local governments allied with the U.S. Russia and China have suppressed their home-grown terrorists. The world may be more secure from terrorist attack than at any time since international terrorism first erupted in the mid 1970s.
I also wonder if the author is correct about the passing of power from the major parties to fringe groups:
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In the United States, the rise of the Tea Party movement-- far from unorganized, but also very far from any traditional political organization-- boosted candidates like Christine O'Donnell, who allegedly dabbled in witchcraft
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But in truth the Tea party was effective in only ONE election in 2010. Tea Party backed candidates were obliterated in the electoral route of 2012 when they lost 21 of 23 contested Senate seats. The Tea Party seems to have no more staying power than other short-lived fringe parties like those that backed Ross Perot in 1992 or Ralph Nader in 2000.
I'm also skeptical of the idea that the major financial exchanges will lose their market-making power to upstarts:
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IN SUM, NEW ENTRANTS SUCH AS HEDGE FUNDS, NEW STOCK EXCHANGES, dark pools, and previously unknown start-ups that suddenly upend an entire industry are harbingers of things to come: more volatility, more fragmentation, competition, and more micropowers able to constrain the possibilities of the megaplayers.
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The financial markets will probably continue to be dominated by the established exchanges except that they will become more regulated. I am guessing that hedge funds, which have accomplished little other than making their managers obscenely wealthy while losing their investors' money on crazy speculations, will fade away. As the economy gains traction people will go back to investing in the traditional buy-and-hold way instead of imagining that hedge fund charlatans will make them fortunes with exotic investment derivatives that usually fail.
I also don't believe that big government will be losing its grip on power any time soon. Didn't we just get through imposing government supervision over one-sixth of the economy via the Affordable Care Act? And, if anything, hasn't the economic crash strengthened the G20 governments by making their Federal Reserve Banks the ultimate backstop against global financial calamity?
Thus, I question many of Naim's assumptions. I do think the power of big corporations is going to be reined it, but it will be reined in by government, not by upstart competitors. Competition sure didn't do anything to drive down healthcare costs, so now we have government intervention into the sector. My estimation is that the people will demand that the government extend its umbrella over a private sector that is seen by the public as being too chaotic, volatile, and prone to systemic failure.
I see the world moving opposite to the way Naim predicts: toward the ENHANCED power of government enforcing an umbrella of stability over big corporations. I'm not a fan of ossified big government bureaucracies that tax everybody to death while stifling innovation with mind-numbing red tape and bureaucratic delays. But I do see the private sector being placed in a relatively weaker position after the 2008 financial collapse, and of government retaining the position that it has grown into since then. That means a cozier relationship between the concentrated power centers of big government and big business rather than a lessening of them.
On the International front I would guess that the U.S.A. and China will continue to exercise a superpower duopoly far stronger than the old US/USSR duopoly. Perhaps eventually other emerging powers in South America, Africa, South Asia, and the Arab World will rise to make the "multi-polar" world, but that will probably happen later rather than sooner, if happens at all.
I could certainly be wrong about these conclusions, and that is why this book should be read. Other readers may come to the same conclusions as Naim does. And Naim does recognize that power is a nebulous concept. He seems to be saying (paraphrasing): "in the future the powerful will still be powerful, but less so." Thus, the book should be read as an opinion piece to stimulate the reader to deepen his/her thinking about the direction of change the U.S. and global political and economic systems are moving in as we get back on our feet from the shocks of the early 2000's. The book is very well written and Naim has a talent for making complex concepts of power easy to assimilate. Regardless of your conclusions you'll enjoy reading this book if you have any substantial interest in U.S. and international business and political trends.
112 of 123 people found the following review helpful.
Engaging read
By Sarah Burns
I always read with great skepticism the endorsements that famous people give to their friends' books. I did not believe a word of what Clinton, Soros, or Arianna Huffington wrote on the back cover of Naim's book. Still I was intrigued because I had read Naim's previous book Illicit and liked it a lot. So I bought and read The End of Power. And to my surprise, I found that in this case the celebrities are right. This book does change the way one looks at the world. Power is a big subject that can get very complicated and hard to read. Not here. Naim does a masterful job in observations, surprising data, and great examples. It is an engaging read that nicely persuaded me he is onto something big and that the trends he discusses are right. Some of the parts of the book are a bit complicated but those can be skipped and most of the book is hard to put down. I especially liked the way he explained why power is now easy to get, harder to use, and easier to lose. He argues that the barriers that protect the powerful from the attacks of challengers have become easier to surmount. Why? Becuase Naim explains that there are three massive forces--the More (abundance), Mobility, and Mentality revolutions--that help contestants for power overwhelm, circumvent, and undermine the barricades that protect the powerful. The book provides ample evidence of how this is happening with mighty armies, entrenched dictators, big companies, or even Chess grandmasters or the Vatican. Anyone who has power or wants it (or is under the domination of a powerful individual or organization) should read this book. You will be very entertained.
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