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Unbalanced: The Codependency of America and China, by Stephen Roach
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An original and insightful analysis of the most important economic relationship in the world
The Chinese and U.S. economies have been locked in an uncomfortable embrace since the late 1970s. Although the relationship initially arose out of mutual benefits, in recent years it has taken on the trappings of an unstable codependence, with the two largest economies in the world losing their sense of self, increasing the risk of their turning on one another in a destructive fashion.
In Unbalanced: The Codependency of America and China Stephen Roach, senior fellow at Yale University and former chairman of Morgan Stanley Asia, lays bare the pitfalls of the current China-U.S. economic relationship. He highlights the conflicts at the center of current tensions, including disputes over trade policies and intellectual property rights, sharp contrasts in leadership styles, the role of the Internet, the recent dispute over cyberhacking, and more.
A firsthand witness to the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s, Roach likely knows more about the U.S.-China economic relationship than any other Westerner. Here he discusses:
- Why America saving too little and China saving too much creates mounting problems for both
- How China is planning to re-boot its economic growth model by moving from an external export-led model to one of internal consumerism with a new focus on service industries
- How America, shows a disturbing lack of strategy, preferring a short-term reactive approach over a more coherent Chinese-style planning framework
- The way out: what America could do to turn its own economic fate around and position itself for a healthy economic and political relationship with China
In the wake of the 2008 crisis, both unbalanced economies face urgent and mutually beneficial rebalancings. Unbalanced concludes with a recipe for resolving the escalating tensions of codependence. Roach argues that the Next China offers much for the Next America—and vice versa.
- Sales Rank: #182678 in Books
- Published on: 2015-01-27
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.50" h x 6.50" w x 1.00" l, .0 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 344 pages
Review
“Lucid and accessible, immensely informative and insightful. . . . One of the most important books on the relationship between the United States and China to be published in at least a decade.”—Huffington Post (Huffington Post)
About the Author
Stephen Roach is senior fellow, Jackson Institute for Global Affairs and School of Management, Yale University, and the former chairman of Morgan Stanley Asia. He lives in New Canaan, CT.
Most helpful customer reviews
13 of 14 people found the following review helpful.
A Balanced View of An Unbalanced Situation
By Loyd Eskildson
For decades the U.S. and China relied on a 'marriage of convenience' that guaranteed China a huge market for exports, while American consumers received a cornucopia of inexpensive products and a buyer of its debt. Roach basically contends that it's time for the two nations to switch identities - more savings and less consumption in the U.S., less savings and more consumptionin China.
The new China is here, yet we're fixated on the old China. China is now moving to a more balanced consumer-led growth model via services-led job growth (China's services sector overtook the combined shares of manufacturing and construction as the economy's largest segment in 2013), urbanization-driven income leveraging, and a stronger social-safety net. Services generate about 30% more jobs/output unit than do manufacturing and construction, allowing China to meet its labor absorption and social stability goals with economic growth of only 7-8%.
China now has the smallest services sector of any major economy, and Roach sees it possibly increasing by about $12 trillion by 2015, providing an opportunity for the U.S. Roach suggests pursuing that opportunity rather than continued Chinese currency bashing - reality is we had deficits with 102 nations in 2012 which Roach contends is the result of a U.S. savings gap. Besides, the renminbi has risen 35% since 7/2005 and its current account surplus is less than 3% of GDP. Roach would also like to see cyberattack issues raised to high-priority status.
As for rebalancing - China needs to save less and consume more, and the U.S. the opposite. Phasing out the one-child policy and reforming the residential permit system (hukou) are early steps; another is earmarking 30% of China's SOE profits for funding its safety net programs. While both nations have a surplus labor problem, China has a strategy and the commitment of its new leadership, the U.S. has neither - still stuck in our commitment to the Invisible Hand, an increasingly questionable direction. Regardless, Roach also points out that China's shift will drawn down its surplus saving and further reduce its current-account surplus - thus, who will fund chronic U.S. savings shortfalls, how will Americans hold down inflation in the future?
Another conflict - the imbalance between our projections of vast military power and the erosion of our domestic economic base, vs. China's rising nationalism. A major power realignment, first economic, eventually military as well, may follow. Skills on both sides will determine whether this transition is stable and peaceful; however, a special need is for the U.S. to defuse hostility towards China - often incorrectly blaming China for its enormous trade deficit when China was just the final link in a long supply chain with much of financed by American firms, assembling parts made elsewhere. We also need to stop predicting China's collapse - economically and politically.
5 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
Excellent analysis on the current path of the biggest economies
By donald
I read Roach's columns regularly at project syndicate and other sources, and bought this book to get additional light on the state of the Chinese economy. It surpassed my expectations, and every chapter was full of detailed analysis and figures, leaving no room for blank statements or ideological comments. I think the notes at the end of the book, where he draws many thoughts and facts, are equally important as well.
This book overall provides a very fair analysis on both parts, the U.S. and China, and describes how these two biggest economies can achieve a win-win relationship with each other.
And his background as a former chief economist at Morgan Stanley enables the reader to not only learn a great deal about myriad of Chinese policy issues, but also important macroeconomic variables that are relevant in this U.S-China relationship.
But one thing that I think he should have paid more special attention to is the mounting problems related with China's property market. Especially, land confiscation as a major source of urban development and local governments' budget does not seem to be sustainable in light of recent developments in the property sector. Although he does bring up this issue slightly, it concludes that it won't cause a systemic risk to the system due to its small portion in relation to the GDP, which I am not really sure at the moment.
Other than that, I think this book touches most of the relevant drivers in a very detailed way that will have lasting bearing on the U.S and China for the years to come.
9 of 11 people found the following review helpful.
Fail to understand popularity of this book
By James R. Maclean
I understand that Stephen Roach is one of the most widely respected economic analysts, and he's generally managed to resist popular _optimistic_ bromides that have had wide circulation. Roach has won a lot of respect for avoiding the "this time is different" disease, or "privatization = magic"(1) dogma that still seems to dominate Western economic thought. Still, whatever one thinks of his overall worldview, this book came as a great disappointment.
A: CONVENTIONAL THINKING
Take pretty much every mainstream media interpretation of economics, when times were bad: those interpretations are here. For example, he treats economic policy for both countries as exogenous, meaning decisions are wholly outside the economic systems of both countries. Other readers may disagree with me here, but I felt that Mr. Roach was content to treat the countries' policy choices as emerging from on high, and imputed them to simple delusions by the presumed architect. Unsurprisingly, US policymakers were supposedly weak, pandering to a sheeplike public with a distaste for sacrifice (2). In contrast, the authorities in reform-era China are mostly wise and far-sighted--they are supposed to be able to avoid adverse political feedback.(3)
Additional aspects of conventional economic thinking are: fallacies of composition in the sectoral balances of the US/Chinese economies, equating the loss of the gold standard as a moral failing of the nation, trade deficits as a decline in moral character (mostly) and so on. Economic growth is presumed to have no connection to existing per capita GDP (so that "tepid" American growth since 1972 is contrasted with robust Chinese growth since 1978); household saving rates are discussed as if households were pretty much the same (as opposed to varying vastly in income and wealth endowment).
Greece is corrupt and dragged down the EU; public deficits can be unilaterally slashed by the national government without consequences; tax incentives can induce anyone to save more.(4)
The association of US economic performance with decadence and Chinese performance with virtue appeals to common sense, but is misleading.
B: IGNORING THE REST OF THE WORLD
Europe is mentioned, in passing; but really, the book sticks to a very unhelpful treatment in which the USA and the PRC are the only two counties in the world. Setting aside the fact that Chinese and US policies (and their effects) are heavily influenced by OPEC, the EU, and other countries, we still could benefit from examining the policy approaches. For instance, the one major concrete policy recommendation Roach makes that I could find (p.228) was to replace the income tax with a consumption tax, presumably accompanied by a 75% reduction in all governmental spending at all levels. Most readers may feel this is unworkable politically, and wonder what is done in countries with large trade surpluses. The short answer is, something very different.
C: FRUSTRATING ECONOMIC ANALYSIS
Economics is supposed to provide tools for policy formation and critique. An economic analysis that insists on more virtue, or policy proposals that are impossible to implement, is a failure. In the case of aggregate spending by all levels of government in the USA, gigantic reductions on the order of 25%-75% are a staple of conservative political rhetoric but generally hopeless. Balancing the budget while concurrently shifting to a consumption tax that consumers would be capable of paying--say, a VAT of 25% combined with a virtually flat tax on income of 25%--would entail such a reduction (5). Roach then assumes that such a dramatic policy change would have no effect on the balance of the other sectors. In addition, there would be tax incentives (perhaps through rebates on VAT paid?) to save.
Roach is to be commended for attacking the China-bashing so popular in the media, especially in his chapter on "The China Gripe." This is very useful, although even he succumbs to the notion that Beijing can summon up its foreign currency reserves from the vasty deep. Otherwise, the book is pretty much Peterson Institute bromides, with a dash of Roach's signature fulminations from the wilderness--locusts, wild honey, that sort of thing.
____________________________________________
NOTES
(1) "This time is different" is pretty well-known, although I am applying it specifically to investment fads (e.g., the dot com bubble of 1993-1999). "Privatization = magic" is an idea still widely peddled, that somehow the mere existence of private equity ownership in a formerly government-administered service will automatically produce miracles of efficiency. Readers can (accurately) interpret me several different ways, as in: something can be "privatized," but avoid market discipline; or else, market failure is inherently endemic to certain sectors. And so on.
(2) I felt this exogenous fallacy was too obvious to need citations, but one example is: he persistently refers to "Washington" as a metonymy for policy choices generally. On p.143, in an otherwise-reasonably well-argued passage opposing trade sanctions against China, he warns that China could "sell off its massive position in US Treasuries." This is impossible because there is no one Chinese entity that owns those Treasuries; they have been used to recapitalize the Chinese banking system, and even a massively-coordinated dumping of those assets on global bond markets (which I seriously doubt is possible) would cost the Chinese banking system so large a share of its capitalization that it would be effectively bankrupt.
(3) The leaders of China certainly deserve some respect for this, although Roach is probably more concerned with over-correcting unduly negative views of Chinese leaders, than with a balanced judgment of his own. He cites Huang Yasheng's Capitalism with Chinese Characteristics (2008) when the latter writes about the early reform period (1978-1989), but ignores Huang's criticism of Chinese economic leadership since 1989. The entire point of Huang's book is that autocratic leadership has most of the same pitfalls as democracy in managing a capitalist economy, and China has fallen into the very pitfalls Roach objects to in the USA (see Huang Yasheng, 2008, p.16). The one difference is that the USA has a huge public sector deficit, and China's public sector deficit (while right behind the USA as a share of GDP) is more than offset by its immense household sector surplus.
(4) Roach's proposed changes to the tax code are extremely drastic (p.228); they include replacing the income tax with a tax on consumption.
(5) Daniel Altman, "What if a Sales Tax Were the Only Tax?" _The New York Times_ (17 Oct 2004); such a scheme was proposed by Rep. John Linder, with rates estimated by the author of the article. But 25% assumes only federal revenues would be raised in this way. An additional 9-10% would be required for state and local revenues.
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